Panel Title: South Asia: Changing
Social Structural Bases and the Dominance of Right Wing Ideologies
Convenor:M.
N. Panini, Professor, Centre for the Study of Social Systems,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Friday
9 July, 8–12
Panel Abstract: This panel proposes
to grasp the rise to prominence of anti-modern right wing ideologies
in terms of the changes that are occurring in the social structures
of South Asia. The new right wing ideologies claim the superiority
of a particular nation, race, ethnic group or religious community
over the others and espouse values that oppose modernity even as
they use the products of modern science and technology in establishing
their claims of superiority. In India, the aggressive postures of
extremist Hindutva ideologues have brought a radical change in the
vocabulary of politics. The ideology of secularism has lost its
sheen and politicians who need electoral support can no longer afford
to project themselves as persons who adopt a critical attitude towards
Hinduism. A subtle change has come into the political discourse
as the distinction between eclectic and accommodative Hinduism and
Hindutva that seeks to establish the supremacy of the Hindus and
their culture is rapidly disappearing. The Hindutva ideology is
gradually gaining popularity as it is easy to mobilise people by
invoking the names of gods and by sowing seeds of suspicion against
minority religious communities and their conversion campaigns. The
hegemony of Hindutva is now attested by the fact that even secular
political parties that appeal to minority communities make it a
point to project themselves as the supporters of majoritarian Hinduism.
What is true of Hindutva in India is also true of Islam in Pakistan
and Bangladesh and of Buddhism in Sri Lanka. Parties and political
groups that proclaim extreme versions of Jihad thrive in Pakistan
and in Bangladesh while in Sri Lanka versions of combative and aggressive
Buddhism have become prominent. This panel proposes to invite papers
to explore the social structural bases of such radical changes in
political ideologies.
In the context of India it appears that the social structure has
undergone a major transformation. Economic planning for accelerated
development opened up new avenues for upward mobility for castes
and communities that had the resources whereas only a small section
of the underprivileged castes and communities could take advantage
of the new economic opportunities; hence they felt that freedom
and equality that Independence promised have only proved to be empty
rhetoric. Further, as development favoured some regions while others
remained backward, seasonal migrations of people from the poorer
regions to the relatively prosperous regions in search of jobs and
migrations across the country of skilled labourers and professionals
gained salience. Consequently, the social structure that was characterised
by multiple forms of oppression and exploitation gave way to more
fluid social formations. These structural transformations have thrown
up a new generation of leaders who are keen to legitimise their
positions by aggressively advocating Hindutva. This explanation
is seemingly plausible but more systematic efforts have to be made
to identify the upwardly mobile groups and their ideological proclivities
and to explain why Hindutva is now becoming almost a mass movement.
The kind of exercise outlined above will have to be supported by
studies of concrete instances of communalism and communal incidents
in India to elicit the social structural changes that have brought
the forces of Hindutva to the forefront. Similar exercises will
be required for the rise of Islam in Pakistan and Bangladesh and
of Buddhism in Sri Lanka. It is hoped that the cultural diversities
of South Asia and the immense possibilities that they open out for
comparative as well as holistic analyses will be suitably utilised
by the papers that will be submitted and discussed in this panel.
Paper Giver 1: M.
N. Panini, Professor, Centre for the Study of Social Systems,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Paper 1 Title: The Rise
of Hindutva and the Syndrome of Sanskritisation
Paper Abstract: Politics has changed
dramatically in India. In the past religion did enter politics but
only as communalism. Communalism represented the domination of the
secular interests of religion. The two nation theory that brought
about the partition was about Muslims versus Hindus, not about Islam
versus Hinduism although this theme was the undercurrent . In contemporary
South Asian politics religious ideologies have come to dominate
to such an extent that the politics of interests and institutions
get subordinated to these ideologies. In India which is the only
country in South Asia having a secular constitution the rise of
Hindutva and the political ascendance of the party propagating the
ideology opened the distinct possibility of Hindutva transforming
politics and society in its own mould.
This paper seeks to account for such a trend in the new pattern
of non-Brahminical Sanskritisation that is unfolding and the processes
of individualisation that have been witnessed due to the opening
up of the Indian economy to the forces of globalisation.
Paper Giver 2: Henrik
Berglund, Dept. of Political Science, Stockholm University,
Sweden
Paper 2 Title: Civil
Society and Nationalism: A Study of Varanasi
Paper Abstract: Indian secular democracy
now faces a serious challenge from an emerging Hindu nationalism,
centred around the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The party generally
works through legal means, but has close ties to groups engaged
in political violence. The project is a study of how this Hindu
nationalist mobilisation is manifested in local civil society, in
the city of Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh. How do the secular forces within
civil society counter this challenge? These processes are analysed
through a study of two different sections of civil society: The
women's movement and the human rights movement. The projects connects
to theories on both civil society and nationalism, and is expected
to contribute to an increased understanding of the processes leading
to sustained democratisation.
Paper Giver 3: Siegfried
O. Wolf, South Asia Institute, Heidelberg, Germany
Paper 3 Title: Collective
Identity and Identity Politics: The Case of Hindutva in a Theoretical
Perspective
Paper Abstract: As politics in the
twenty-first century gather momentum, South Asia is witnessing a
seemingly paradoxical situation: the processes of globalization
and standardization of socio-cultural environments are accompanied
by a re-emerging political significance of ethnic and territorial
identities. In his first annual report, Kofi Annan, General Secretary
of the United Nations, highlighted the politics of identity as the
greatest threat to peace and progress in recent times. The emergence
worldwide of new lines of political conflict along concerns of identity
is an expression of the radical challenges from various political
forces to existing democratic institutions and cultures.
One of the most remarkable examples in postcolonial states is without
doubt the Indian nation-state and the rise of the “Hindutva-movement”
with their parliamentary representatives under the charismatic leadership
of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. In a political system characterised
by decades of a one-party-dominant system, including only marginal
shifts in electoral behaviour, the “Hindu-movement”
succeeded during 10 years to establish itself as a major force in
Indian politics. Given its impressive mobilization within this period,
the “Hindutva-movement” has become a critical factor
in a political system facing a severe legitimation crisis. This
was closely linked with the struggle for a new national collective
identity and requires a deeper theoretical reflection on the formation
and dynamics of the ‘politics of identity’.
The paper will stress the importance of collective identity in order
to examine social movements in India. The function of collective
identity is defined as a means by which social relationships are
standardized and continuity is, secured. To stabilize collective
identity permanently it is necessary to maintain an adequate balance
between exclusion and inclusion in a social movement. The paper
distinguishes and discusses three types of collective identity in
light of recent theories within the realm of collective identity
research: ‘primordial’, ‘cultural’, and
‘civic identity’. This categorisation emerges from the
fundamental investigations of Bernhard Giesen and the modified identity-concept
by Oliver Schmidtke.
The paper analyses how the identity of the Hindutva-movement had
shifted from a primordial towards a more cultural based identity.
This was due to a changed 'political opportunity structure' which
allowed for an extension of the 'politics of identity' to mobilise
people beyond the previously restricted territory of northern India,
the so-called Hindu-belt, and to gain relevance nation-wide. The
theoretical argument made is that we are faced with a new phenomenon
of identity politics in the region, particularly in India. Moving
away from birth and blood-rooted ties of belonging, the Hindutva-movement’s
culturally and symbolically transmitted features of belonging have
proven to be a successful strategy in fabricating consensus for
broader political mobilization and participation.
The analytical focal point will be on the concrete processes by
which the Hindutva-movement has defined collective identity, has
generated and made it the basis for political mobilization. The
“construction of identity” will be conceptualized as
a dynamic process shaped by the ‘political opportunity structure’
and reacting to the forms of collective identities that are conflictualized.
In this context the author analyses the ideological concepts of
Hindutva-thinkers and their interaction with their respective movement
and social bases.
Paper Giver 4: Sachithanandam
Sathananthan, Wolfson College, Cambridge, UK
Paper 5 Title: The State
in India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka
Paper Abstract: When Pakistan was
created in 1947, the largely secular, immigrant political leadership
at first appeared not to seek to protect and nurture Islam as the
State's ideology. But the seeds of Islamisation of the Pakistani
State were sown in the First Constitution of 1956 formulated under
the control of conservative, mainly feudal interests in the then
Pakistan Muslim League (PML).
Sri Lanka declared secular governance to be the main political objective
of the independent State in 1947. However, by 1956 the avowedly
pro-Buddhist Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) captured power and presided
over the process of Buddhistisation of the Sri Lankan State.
The secular shield of the Indian State remained intact and resisted
Hindutva's thrust for much longer. But there too Hindutva ideology
gained ground in the 1980s and resulted in the capture of State
power by the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition, led by
the dominant Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
Compared to Pakistan and Sri Lanka, the Indian State is a relatively
latecomer to the ideological shift. Nevertheless, this transformation
in the ideologies of the three States and their ideological convergence
toward a religious form are taking place despite the different historical
origins of the States and widely divergent social/class character
of the respective elites.
Political parties, groups and individual politicians no doubt exploit
ideological proclivities of social groups – including marginalised
strata suffering deprivation as well as upwardly mobile sections
extremely vulnerable to the viscitudes of unforgiving market forces
– to enhance their electoral advantage. Considerable and extremely
useful research has gone into these sociological aspects. However,
the process of forging the States' religious identities went well
beyond communal manipulation.
Each State established and projected its religious identity primarily
to present the State as the defender of that religion. The States
have thus sought political legitimation as "defender of the
faith". This contrasts sharply with the States of industrial
nations. They anchored their legitimation to the defence of democracy
and by extension to the preservation of secular governance.
What conditions and forces compel the States in India, Pakistan
and Sri Lanka to seek legitimation in the religious realm? How is
the transformation of the States' ideologies being achieved, through
constitutional reform, legislative enactment, structural and/or
demographic changes in the bureaucracy, judiciary and the armed
forces, increasing participation of religious leadership in State
policy formulation, and so on? What obstacles do they face in legitimising
themselves instead primarily as defenders of democracy?
The present paper will compare and contrast these structural dimensions
of the States in the three countries and explore the political dynamics
that impel the States toward religious identities.
Paper Giver 5: Sebastian
Schwecke, Department of Political Science, South Asia Institute,
University of Heidelberg, Germany
Paper 5 Title: Political
strategies and ideological postures: a comparative analysis of the
BJP in Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat
Paper Abstract: The emergence of
the BJP as the most influential party in India at the national level
is primarily due to the party’s ascendancy in northern and
western India and particularly in UP and Gujarat. Both states show
remarkable resemblances in their political development from the
late 1980s through most of the 1990s, but at the same time witnessed
a significantly different development in the BJP state units’
predominant ideological positioning, with the BJP in Gujarat seen
as espousing a radical version of Hindu majoritarianism/communalism
and the BJP in Uttar Pradesh adopting a cautious course of Hindu
nationalism not unlike the ‘soft Hindutva’ stance generally
associated with the conservative wing of the Congress party. This
paper attempts to trace the origin of this divergence to strategic
shifts necessitated by the distinctive structures of political competition
in the respective states.
Paper Giver 6: Riyaz
Punjabi, Institute of Peace Studies, New Delhi, India
Paper 6 Title: Social
Structural Bases and Emergence of Right Wing Ideology:
A Case Study of Pakistan
Paper Abstract: The Constitutional
and Political developments in Pakistan during the last more than
fifty five years indicate that the social structural bases have
not undergone some prominent transformation. The country has witnessed
short periods of democracy and instead it was either governed by
military dictatorships or military sponsored civilian rule. However,
military has ruled the country for more than twenty two years directly
The military dictators, in order to legitimize their hold on political
and economic power, always pondered to right wing Islamists. The
exclusion of mass based progressive political parties widened the
space for right wing fundamentalists Islamic parties to operate
and gain ascendancy. The emergence of Mutihida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA)
lately which is in power in NWFP (North Western Frontier Province)
and sharing power in Baluchistan Province provides an illustration
to the point. MMA has provided crucial political support to General
Pervez Musharraf, who assumed power in a military coup in 1999,
to legitimize his rule.
During the course of her political developments, the spending on
defense took precedence over social and economic development programmes.
Moreover, maintaining status quo at the social levels suited the
dictators best. Islam was used as a convenient tool against those
who desired a change at the social and political levels. No wonder
the political leadership also came from the landed aristocracy or
high profile business class. Thus, at the social level, middle class,
which spearheads the forces of social and political change, remains
conspicuous by its absence from the social scene of Pakistan. Thus
Waderas and Sardars enjoy the same privileges and wield the same
clout as they used to enjoy during the British colonial rule. Although,
Islam which strongly advocates the social equality, is the official
religion of the State and most of the politics is conducted around
it, the clan and tribal loyalties are so strong that any violation
invites severe reprisals from the clan or the tribe. The recent
case of Shaista Almani, in which a Baluch primary school teacher
married a Sindhi boy and ultimately boy was forced to divorce the
girl, proves the point. Thus feudal loyalties, clan and tribal affinities
remain in tact. The orthodoxy and fundamentalism sustain this system.
The forces of change, aspiring to bring about radical changes by
disturbing the existing social structural bases have taken now another
route. They are asserting their cultural identity and are seeking
greater autonomy to run the affairs of their areas of habitation.
Thus, Saraikis, Baluchis and Sindhis are demanding sovereignty in
their provinces. These nationalities or sub-nationalities have jointly
formed the ‘Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement’ (PONM)
and are seeking amendments in the existing Constitution of Pakistan.
These groups, excluded from power structure, have a strong sense
of economic and political deprivation. However, apart from facing
the predominant army rule, they are confronted with the fundamentalist
right wing Islamists. In the ultimate analysis the power structure
which is dominated by army would use both the forces to maintain
status quo.
The social identities in Pakistan are highly politicized but they
operate within a traditional framework. The same is the case with
the Islamism which is highly politicized and remains a tool of mobilization.
This also helps to create a smokescreen to close eyes to other issues
relating to social and human development. A paradigm shift is needed
to restore to these issues the primacy they deserve. It is expected
that changing global order may prod Pakistan to bring about the
required paradigm shift.
Panel report:
The Panel session took place on Friday morning,
9 July 2004 and was very well attended by a diverse audience of
about 35 scholars. In all, four papers were presented and discussed
in the course of the session.
The paper presented by Professor Panini (“Hindutva Discourse
and Sanskritisation Syndrome: Understanding the Implications of
Globalisation in India”) of Jawaharlal Nehru University
dealt with the issue of the change of social structures in an
era of globalization and the growing awareness of formerly marginalized
social groups and the implications of these developments for political
discourse in the Indian public sphere. One of the main themes
of the presentation was the impact of a reconfiguration of social
stratification on urban as well as local identities and interactive
processes, as well as the public discourse of rioting, as witnessed
in Gujarat in 2002.
Sebastian Schwecke (University of Heidelberg) presented a paper
on “Political Strategies and Ideological Postures: A Comparative
Analysis of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat”. He thus
aimed at a comparison of the subtle differences in electoral campaigning
and its success or failure within the context of two different
polities in India. One argument was that the different size of
the respective Muslim populations in Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat
significantly influenced the ideological positioning of the BJP
in past campaigns.
The paper “The Saffronisation of Civil Society – A
Study of Hindu Nationalism and Organisational Life in Varanasi”
by Henrik Berglund (Stockholm University) presented findings from
fieldwork conducted on the linkage between local civil society
networks and political forces supporting Hindu nationalist politics.
It consequently aimed at locating this particular (controversial)
aspect of civil society in the broader discourse on the necessity
of social capital as a support (or in this case a possible threat)
to democracy.
Siegfried Wolf (University of Heidelberg) presented a contribution
titled “Collective Identity and Identity Politics in India:
The Case of Hindutva in a Theoretical Perspective”. The
paper aimed at making hindutva intelligible within a theoretical
and comparative framework of categories relating to processes
of formation of collective identity generally. One of the main
arguments of this presentation was that contrary to many scholarly
assessments of hindutva, the concept and in particular its operationalization
for the purposes of practical politics are much more fluid, elusive
and flexible depending on the individual proponent under scrutiny
and the particular circumstances under which it is articulated
than is normally perceived in scholarly debates.
Malte Pehl (University of Heidelberg) as the panel discussant
raised questions regarding the causes of changing village social
relations as opposed to the main focus of lying on the impact
of those changes on politics at the local level. Further issues
related to the impact of events rather than structures on public
discourses, in particular after the Gujarat riots, the role of
institutions as intervening factors between, structures, actors
and interaction, as well as categorizations of different types
of identity and their empirical referents in Indian political
life and the continuing lack of a clear working definition of
hindutva to guide and enhance discourse among paper-givers.
The audience raised several issues and engaged presenters on several
fronts at length. Especially controversial were the disagreements
on the inclusive or exclusive nature of hindutva or its conceptualization
as a rather flexible and possibly even as an inclusive type of
identity. Several other comments dealt with the issue of the implications
of the outcome of the 2004 general elections for the reconfiguration
of the Hindu nationalist opposition parties and their future political
campaigns, changing concepts of Indian identity over the decades
and the changing outlook of the Indian electorate on Hindu-Muslim
relations over time.
Overall, the panel generated a lively debate on the continuing
importance of right-of the-center parties despite recent electoral
defeats, their ideological leanings, the current social change
in India and the elusiveness of the hindutva concept in the face
of close scrutiny. Hence, the panel can rightly be regarded as
a successful and useful addition to the general conference program.
Malte Pehl, Wiss.
Mitarbeiter/Lecturer in Political Science, Department of Political
Science, South Asia Institute, University of Heidelberg
SASNET - Swedish South Asian Studies Network/Lund
University
Address: Scheelevägen 15 D, SE-223 70 Lund, Sweden
Phone: +46 46 222 73 40
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Last updated
2006-08-15
