Panel abstract EASAS conference

Convenor: Hans Harder, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, Institut für Indologie und Südasienwissenschaften, Halle (Saale), Germany
Co-convenor: Chandanashis Laha, North Bengal University, Siliguri, India

Panel Abstract: This panel invites papers on issues connected with Bengali culture and literature. The main focus is on language and literature, but the approach to the Bengali region (West Bengal and Bangladesh) chosen here is a generalist one, so contributions from fields such as political science, religious studies, anthropology, diaspora studies, etc. are equally welcome. Contributors should attempt to locate their specific papers in the overall context of Bengali culture and reach conclusions that facilitate lively discussion.
The panel is a continuation of previous meetings. Its regional nature has at times been criticised, and although it is in no way conceived as a separatist endeavour, the panel does attempt to discuss Bengali phenomena not only in a subcontinental but in a specifically Bengali context. As a huge lingual and cultural block invested with a consciousness of distinctness, Bengal can easily justify such an approach, and its drawbacks are made good by the advantages of bringing together detailed expertise.

Papers accepted for presentation in the panel:

Paper 1 Title: The Home and the School: The Bhadramahila in Memoirs and Fiction by Bengali Women

Paper Abstract: This paper will examine the construction of the concept of ghar-sansar (home and the family) and its centrality in the life of the Bengali Bhadramahila (gentlewoman), through some memoirs and fictions by Bengali women. It will also attempt to unravel the project of female education in the late nineteenth and twentieth century Bengal, usually perceived as emancipatory, as an exercise aimed at reinforcing the ghar-sansar construct. The female education project in Bengal helped bolster the tyranny of the private space.
The first section of the paper will explore how the concept of ghar-sansar is constructed in Bengali madhya-bitta (middle-class) society and its indoctrination among young Bengali girls, leading them to believe in an idea of essential ‘femininity’ and an idealized ‘role-playing’. Even as women came to perceive the lies interwoven in the dream they were sold, the lack of education compelled them to continue to pay obeisance at the altar of the home and family. The second section will briefly look at how female education became inevitable in order to counter the colonial critique of the degraded state of the Hindu civilization. This will lead to the primary argument of the paper that the education, which was devised in the wake of the colonial criticism did not envisage any radical change in the lives of the women nor in their social and familial role. The agenda, quite clearly, was to reinforce and refurbish the ghar-sansar myth which in turn would keep women from venturing beyond the sphere of the private space. In the third and final section of my paper I will explore how some Bengali women managed to escape the indoctrination and subverted the agenda of the female education project so as to be able to explore the other possibilities that their education could afford them. I will also argue that it was this stunted vision of female education, geared toward the making of ‘ideal’ wives and mothers, that, even now, persists as the handicap of women in contemporary Bengal.

Paper 2 Title: Reflections on Clinton B. Seely’s translation of Meghanad-Badh Kabya

Paper Abstract: The paper will reflect on Clinton B. Seely's recently published translation of Michael Madhusudan Dutt's Meghanad-badh kabya, comparing it to William Radice's own translation which is complete but whose publication may now be postponed. It will discuss such issues as verse form, phrasing, style, punctuation and allusions, and will consider whether epic poetry of this sort can have a place in today's world.

Paper Abstract: When one says the words “Bengali Mahabharata” one name immediately springs to mind: Kashiramdas. He is a much praised poet. Tapan Raychaudhury calls his Mahabharata “perhaps the noblest work of translation in the Bengali language”. The Czech scholar Dushan Zbavitel notes that Kashiram‘s work is “one of the most popular books in the language” and this can be seen in a visit to any bookstore in Calcutta where various editions of Kashiram are always in print. They have probably always been in print since his Mahabharata was the first Bengali book to be published. In 1969 Calcutta University published another Bengali Mahabharata, one written by Kabi Sanjay and edited by Munindrakumar Ghosh. Kabi Sanjay is as obscure as Kashiram is renowned. In histories of Bengali literature written in English, he is not even mentioned; nor is he even mentioned in the first edition of Asit Kumar Bandyopadhyaya’s monumental Bangla Sahityer Itibrtti from 1959. Some scholars hold that the name Kabi Sanjay is a pseudonymn or the title of some other poet and his “independent existence” has been denied.
Kabi Sanjay’s Mahabharata is somewhat smaller than that of Kashiram’s, and is older too. The usual estimate was that his work was written around 1500. It is a very different work. Kabi Sanjay pays less attention to the original than Kashiram and takes much of his material from the oral Mahabharata tradition. It is such elements hat he paper will emphasize.

Paper 4 Title: Saiyid Sultan’s Jnan pradip – a Sufi or/and a Yogic Text?

Paper Abstract: When a creative writer draws on a parent text, the chief interest of the descendant text lies in its ‘otherness’ – its departure from the source-material, primarily because the deviations result in ‘transformation’ as ‘transcreation’. The present paper aims to see how Rabindranath Tagore, in his Karna-Kunti Sambad, reworks the very decisive discourse between Karna and Kunti on the eve of the great battle of Kuruskhetra. The crucial difference that surfaces in Tagore’s, however, is often rather marginalized as an offshoot of the romantic poet’s lyricism. None has ventured to see that Tagore’s remake of the ‘grand narrative’ bears the marks of a ‘mini-narrative’ of the late 19th/early 20th century postcolonial Bengali consciousness. Nevertheless, there are some critics who focus on the novelty /modernity of Tagore’s Karna. They detect in the hero’s utterances (i) an analogue of the European heroic spirit, (ii) the melancholy that smacks of Hamlet, (iii) the essential traits of Camus’s Absurd Man. The paper collates these views and looks in passing at Tagore’s own as well as others’ English translations of Karna-Kunti Sambad, in order to re-read his reworking of a canonical material.

Paper 4 Title: 150 years of Bengali Historiography of Literature: Nation Building, World Literature and Ideological Ramifications

Paper Abstract: This paper gives a survey of one part of a larger project being carried out at Halle University. It deals with the development of Bengali historiography of literature in examining the changing ideological frames at work in Bengali literary criticism and historiography. Broadly speaking, three phases may be distinguished: the quest for a national Bengali literary heritage and production, with the simultaneous recovery of Old and Middle Bengali texts characterises the first phase from the nineteenth to the early twentieth century. Thereafter, historiography of literature underwent some degree of differentiation: new ideological paradigms were applied to the study of literature, and arguably Tagore’s Nobel Prize first stimulated discussing Bengali in the context of world literature, ultimately leading into the now prominent study of Comparative Literature. Thirdly, the Partition and Independence of Bangladesh brought with them a bifurcation of the nationalist impulses underlying Bengali historiography of literature, triggering a complex process of appropriation, rejection or refocalisation regarding the common heritage especially in Bangladesh.

Paper 7 Title: The World Turned Upside Down: The Human Factor Reconsidered. Bengali Theatre and Commercialization

Paper Abstract: The paper will look at one of the many changes, namely, the changing human relationship that characterised the Bengali stage in the wake of commercialisation. It would proceed by investigating the process whereby a small group came to initiate the process of commercialisation of Bengali theatre as theatre-owners and also significantly as employers. It will be the central argument of the paper to examine how these theatre-wallahs constructed and maintained employer-employee relationship with directors, performers and technicians on a basis of difference and otherness. It will be interesting to see how the theatre owners, to sustain their control over the market of histrionic talent deployed notions of class, hierarchy and status.
The success of the public stage, viz, the National Theatre, encouraged business minded people to invest in theatre because theatre in those days was offering returns in very attractive figures. We thus find the instances of such men like Pratap Chand Johuree and Motilal Seal who decided to invest in theatre. Their assumptions were not totally unfounded and in the initial years their venture yielded good profit. But absence of coordination between the proprietor and the team of artistes proved to be a deterrent in the proper running of the theatres. In fact most of the time it was found that the interests of the proprietors and those of the play-directors were at loggerheads. While accruing profit steered the proprietor into financing the plays (which also included the cost of hiring the entire troupe), for the managers and the directors it was often the aesthetic appeal of the stage as well a respectable means of earning, that prompted them to take to the stage. With theatre thus emerging as an area of investment, it can no longer remain a medium of recreation catering to the sensibilities of particular group of people. The people who thronged the theatre halls were of diverse socio-economic and cultural background and therefore the subject and theme of the theatre had to be framed accordingly. More than experimentation,1 it was now primarily geared to serve the need for entertainment of the audiences. In their opinion, the theatre must, satisfy the criteria of the audience or it will not flourish. The theatre owner’s position became anchored in the impersonal rules that had been legally enacted and contractually established and came to signify hierarchical relations. The theatre owner now had the right to command others, which entitled him to take decisions over issues where different individuals or groups expressed different policy preferences. Such display of power revealed how the proprietors tended to exercise power by making his employees do things to benefit themselves. Obviously in such circumstances there would be a conflict of interests in which the employees’ happiness was never given the due recognition. The employers took advantage of the employees’ lack of awareness of being a community with collective consciousness and mentality. This should not make us feel that these people were not aware of their indispensability in the production process. They, therefore, functioned through collaboration and resistance, submission and rivalry. While collaboration was achieved through persuasion of the employers, the employees retained their sense of agency and autonomy by registering their dissent through non compliance, manipulation, sabotage and sometimes through direct resistance, not in the form of collective action, but by resigning from their present employment and joining a rival theatre company.
The transformations in the relationship between the owners and those hired for performances can be explained as a phase of incomplete transition between the highly personal feudal bonds of the years predating the 1880 decades and the sharply materialistic capitalist divide. This relationship can be understood in the wider context of the changing nature of the colonial economy ushering in a phase of capitalist production and the peculiar construction of the communal identity of the ones employed in theatre. As a result hierarchy, dependence and power characterised the relationship inside the world of Bengali theatre. This enables us to understand how different and unequal groups interacted in structuring class differences through ideologies, concepts and behaviour. It has been my endeavour in this paper to recover and restore the visible and invisible activism and interaction of two unequal groups in the cultural world of Bengal. I have indicated some of the strategies employed by these people to resist and undermine their oppression and drudgery and have also tried to point out how they articulated ways to survive and dominate in an intensely competitive world. By exploring the social contestation of the employer and the employees at a particular historical conjuncture, I have tried to highlight the “omnipresent tension and contradictions between hegemony and autonomy in consciousness” as revealed through different groups of people cohabiting the same place for specific time periods, their mutual interdependence and differences, submission and rivalry.

Paper 8 Title: Singing Modernity: Narrative Strategies of Itinerant Bards in Rural Bengal

Paper Abstract: The Patuyas are a community of itinerant scroll painters/singers residing throughout rural Bengal. Traditionally, they painted lengthy narrative scrolls and performed songs to accompany the unraveling of such scrolls. Their repertoire consisted of both sacred and secular materials. However, with the onslaught of modernity, interest in this art form decreased as a result of the introduction of chromolithographs, cinema, television, and video. But Patuyas have responded resiliently by expanding their repertoires to include new scrolls and songs dealing with such current affairs as 9/11, the war in Afghanistan, communal violence in India, current political campaigns, etc. Based on three previous fieldwork trips in 2001, 2002, and 2003, this paper analyzes the repertoires of several singers residing in the village of Naya, located in Medinipur district, West Bengal.

Paper Abstract: Whether anthropologists or religionists, scholars tend to focus on virtuosi in their representations of religious traditions. This is partly because in most religious communities, participants also look to such virtuosi as exemplars of their goal. People called Baul present a challenge to this approach. While according to some Baul gurus, the practitioner ideally moves from the gross to the subtle – a prescription which also tends to marginalise the role of women – others deny or even denounce this 'spiritualisation' of their path. Instead they extol the more accessible, 'gross' aspects of the path, as well as the role of women.

Paper 1 Title: A Population Atlas of Bengali People all over the World: an analysis of Bengali migratory movements

Paper Abstract: The Bengali nation does not have any recognition in the world as an aggressive ethnic force or as a coloniser and hegemonial power. But there has always been a tendency of the Bengali people to migrate from their native land to other places, be it as little colonial forces or in search of better living conditions. Thus, they have set up new habitations not only in other provinces of India and nearby countries like Sri Lanka and Nepal, but also in almost every corner of the world, creating some new term like ‘Third Bangla’ and ‘Fourth Bangla’ with regard to new residences in the UK and the USA respectively. Interestingly enough, in these new habitations outside their motherland, Bengali people synthesize their life-pattern with local systems and accept many different types of customs and traditions, but never loose their identity and individuality as Bengalis. As there is no comprehensive study regarding the migration of Bengali people, a population atlas of Bengali people is highly desirably. The main purposes of this paper are to investigate the chronological history of migration of Bengali people, to identify the attitude of people about migration, and to present a description of the present situation of Bengali migration through the world.

Paper Abstract: The paper will give an overview of Bengali non-finite verb forms and their uses. Non-finite verb forms are an essential feature of Bengali sentence structuring and fulfil variable (clausal, adverbial or nominal) functions. In particular, I want to take a look at the syntactic roles of infinitives and/or verbal nouns in connection with conjunct verbs and their semantic implications. Feedback from a Bengali speaking audience will be greatly appreciated.

Paper 12 Title: From Vaids to Kobirajes: The Forgotten Identity of Bengali Medicine in the Late 19th and Early 20th Centuries

Paper Abstract: The field of South Asian Medical History, has often, of late been animated by the stories of the complex negotiations between the various ‘indigenous’ systems of medicine and western/ allopathic medicine. Further the story has, as with most other branches of South Asian Modern History, revolved around the developments in Bengal. Yet ironically enough this metonymic presence Bengali history as a virtual body-double of the larger Indian narrative has obfuscated the sovereign autonomy of the Bengali aspects of this story.
Scholars such as Poonam Bala , Brahmanand Gupta etc. in trying to read the Bengali experience as symptomatic of the Indian one, have all overlooked the fact that as early as 1907, A.F.R. Hoernle, basing himself on a long established Orientalist tradition and having consulted all the extant MSS of the Chorok Shomhita, had established that what passed as classical Ayurbed in Bengal bore only a nominal allegiance to the Classical Ayurbedic texts. The Bengali tradition was mostly traced back to the hegemonic writings of one Gangadhar Ray, who had flourished in the first half of the 19th century. Most later writers had used his version of the Chorok Shomhita as their foundational reference points. Yet the differences were so obvious, that while the original Chorok Shomhita mentions the human body as being made up of 306 bones, the Bengali Ayurbedists, held it to be comprised of 370!
Even this tenacious link with the Sanskritic high canon of medicine may have been inaccessible to most of the rural practitioners. A number of late 19th and early 20th century texts, including Debendronath and Upendronath Sengupto’s classic Bengali redaction of the Chorok Shomhita in 1908, mention the need for Bengali texts, since most of the rural practitioners of native medicine, had a limited or no knowledge of Sanskrit. When we further consider that at the dawn of the 20th century, western medicine was yet to break out its enclavist urban aspirations , we have a situation where most of the population of Bengal was under the treatment of men, who had a rather tangential and nominal connection to the high canon of Ayurbedic medicine.
Given this scenario, I would propose to investigate this forgotten identity of Bengali Ayurbed along three major trajectories.
Firstly take a closer look at the texts. Some of the examples cited above clearly prove that the Bengali texts were by no means insipid facsimiles of a hegemonic classical pan Indian tradition, but had developed its own textual canons. The delineation of these inter-textuality would, I hope, not only address the issue of sovereignty, but also go a long way in our understanding of the semantics of public health and the vitality of the medical knowledge systems in this part.
Second, I would argue that the sovereignty of this tradition must also be seen in relation to the politics of the groups of that practised it. The very nomenclature of the practitioners differ in Bengal vis-à-vis the rest of India. Whereas most of India referred to Ayurbedists as ‘Vaids’, Bengalis preferred the term ‘Kobiraj’. The term ‘boddi’ (a derivation from ‘vaids’) is mostly reserved for references to the caste status of the practitioners. While ‘ambashth kayasths’, the castes said to be traditionally associated with the medical profession, are largely subsumed within the larger ‘kayasth’ identity in northern India, in Bengal from 1883 onwards we find a host of tracts arguing both for and against their being a separate caste from the ‘kayasths’ and indeed being related to the Brahmins. While on the one hand the ‘boddis’ do eke out a separate identity for themselves in the process, the caste-ambivalent term ‘kobiraj’ also allows rural practitioners, such as Modon Mohon Kobiraj (Sil Das), whose autobiography is published in 1918 from rural East Bengal, to gain a higher ritual status within the economy of sanskritisation. Could this then mean that Bengali ayurbed was also as a consequence of this greater caste mobility more open to the influence of folk medicine? Is another question I would try to answer.
Finally, an investigation of the various Materia Medicas of the indigenous system would, I hope allow us to test both our principal hypotheses of whether Bengali ayurbed was an autonomous tradition as well as whether their was a greater degree of local/ folk influence on it. It is interesting to note in this regard, that this genre of most of this literature was published under the rubric of ‘Kobiraji Mushtijoge’, a phrase that ambiguously avoided the issue of sanction within the Ayurbedic canon.
Jean M. Langford in her recent anthropological study of contemporary Ayurbed, has argued that it be seen more as ‘strategic sign’ rather than as a stable system of knowledge. It is perhaps this function of the tradition as a ‘strategic sign’ and its close implication within economies of nationalism, revivalist propaganda, orientalist scholarship etc. that was at the heart of the deployment of the label by the high priests of Bengali Ayurbed at the turn of the century, but to take the sign out of its context is to silence more than it reveals. That is to say that I would try to argue, that the apparent contradiction between practising an autonomous tradition and professing nominal subservience to another, may be understood in terms of the political sediments that the term Ayurbed came to acquire at this time. Thus my project, is in a sense aimed at contextualising the name ‘Ayurbed’ in late 19th century and early 20th century Bengal against the backdrop of ‘Ayurved’. To extrapolate, if there was indeed a deeper meaning to the replacement of the ‘v’ with the ‘b’ in the name, than merely the inability of the Bengali to articulate the letter ‘v’.

Paper 13 Title: Forgotten scholars: Bengali pundits, British Orientalists and transmission of knowledge in colonial Bengal

Paper 14 Title: Cutlets or Fish Curry? Debating Indian Authenticity in Nineteenth-Century Bengal

Paper Abstract: At the moment of its inception, modern Bengali poetry in the late nineteenth century, already heavily implicated in the colonizer’s cultural authority, was a site in which authenticity was claimed and disclaimed, functioning as standard of worth and a cultural core value. The origins of this cultural necessity may be seen to lie in the peculiar circumstances of the colonial situation; indeed David Lloyd has pointed out that the labelling of Irish culture as “inauthentic” by the colonizer has led to authenticity affecting the basic discourses of Irish culture in its prevalence, giving it a status near to that of a shared currency.
This paper closely examines a controversial opinion published by an eminent and orthodox critic of the old school, Akshaychandra Sarkar, that the poetry of Hemchandra Bandyopadhyay was too English in taste, design, conception and execution to qualify as ‘authentic’ Bengali poetry in his book on the poet in 1912. The tirade against the westernised Hemchandra reflected an enduring sentiment in literary criticism; some years later, Rabindranath Tagore’s works too were to be described by leading poet-critics such as Buddhadev Bose as ‘European literature written in the Bengali language’.
Here I shall try to indicate, through a detailed discussion of Akshaychandra’s objections and pre-dispositions in relation to Hemchandra’s work, the ideological predilections and nationalist tropes that were deployed in literary discourse in an attempt to self-consciously fashion a modern Indian national identity. In Hemchandra’s time, a new poetry was being self-consciously forged by a new race of men in an idiom new to indigenous literature. Bengali nationalism was openly and unabashedly using the coloniser’s language to pillory his rule, the Bengali language and English literary conventions having come together in a common purpose in a manner unacceptable not only to linguistic chauvinists but also to purists such as Akshaychandra Sarkar.
Finally, the paper aims to remind us how inevitably, the vexed issues of authenticity and the concomitant subtext of nationalism contained in the choices made by this particular poet and critic at the very inception of the discourse that formulated a modern language of nationhood illuminate and clarify, in however small a manner, the contemporary and continuing struggle to define the character of the modern Indian nation.

Paper 15 Title: The flight of the “Brahmadaitya”: Ghosts and their Advocates in Nineteenth-Century Bengal

Paper Abstract: Ghosts, like so many other beings in nineteenth-century Bengal, underwent a profound transformation with the coming of modernity. On the one hand there was an intense denial in the creatures’ existence in response to the growing influence of European science and rationality. On the other hand the very apparatus of science and rationality was constantly evoked to scientifically “prove” the existence of life after death. The nineteenth-century Bengali thinker liked to include amongst his intellectual passions a taste for the occult, whereby regular planchet sessions in the houses of the great and the good were common occurrence. At these sessions the effort was not just to communicate with the dead but to determine by means of modern science, the constitution, composition and even the philosophy of the spirit world.
Put in this contradictory location, the ghosts themselves underwent certain fundamental changes. Their existence being unquestioned in premodernity, their representation in the various tales were similarly free of controversy. Most ghost stories of the pre-colonial era began with the trusting lines: “once there was a ghost…” Such a statement was inconceivable in modernity, as the very being of the creature was under dispute. The paper tracks this change in the genealogy of both the ghost and the ghost-story with the coming of colonialism. It is an effort to understand the apparent continuity of the supernatural in a world that was zealously securing its scientific moorings.

Paper Abstract: This paper concerns changes in ideologies and system of ideas with a focus on the intellectual stratas in the society. The study is based on the Bengali intellectuals in Calcutta. The main ideas in the paper rely on PhD work in social anthropology. (Supervisor Prof. B. Kapferer, University of Bergen) Several shorter visits to Calcutta have been undertaken and during year 2000, I conducted ten months of fieldwork in the city. The theoretical frame aligns to recent discussions in subaltern studies and the body of theories denoted as post colonialism with its questioning of material and cultural implications of colonial history. It includes a concern with the intellectual foundations of colonialism, a critical reflection and deconstruction of the colonial and post colonial discourse. Questions raised are how to delineate the ways in which the colonial paradigm has entered into and been received by the indigenous thought systems. How western “modernism” has imposed itself on the orient, influenced and formed the Indian subject and institutions. How it represented the colonial subjects in ways that facilitated their subordination and which they absorbed, appropriated and applied to themselves. How the discipline regarding the other had been formed by this paradigm.
I will illuminate the interaction between the colonial and postcolonial discourse and the indigenous system of ideas through the Calcutta intellectuals. Intellectuals are in the interface between cultures and societies. They have a self critical and self-reflective mode of understanding. They play a central role in issues regarding change. Intellectuals function as leaders, mediators and vehicles for spreading of ideas. They are “concerned with creation, interpretation and transmission of ideas” (Beteille). The category of "modern" Bengali intellectuals is considered to have emerged in interaction with the colonial hegemonic system of knowledge in the 19th century. They interacted and interrelated frequently with external forces. The Bengali intellectuals have taken part in major processes of social and intellectual transformation. I.e. they played a significant role in political and intellectual movements as i.e. the 19th century reform movements, the independence movement and today the communist movement. Some argues that the imposition of a western hegemonic system of ideas has led to a “second colonialisation”. Another argument put forward is that colonialism inhibited the development of modernity in India. I will denote the different forms of expressions that crystallised in the encounter as "Bengali modernity".
According to my point of view, the task of analysing is a political task. The subaltern is integrated into a wider system of knowledge and power. An understanding the intellectual history of the Bengali intellectuals includes a critical reflection on and a re-examination of the central ideological and epistemological assumptions in the hegemonic western discourse. It also includes an investigation into the impact of this discourse on Bengali history and its subjects. I.e. Chatterjee suggests that a re-examination of the central conceptual terms of the discourse and an alternative framework for understanding the intellectual history is needed. Among the subaltern scholars, different methodological tools have been suggested for the analysis of the interaction. They have mainly relied on a post-modern paradigm. (See i.e. Guha, Chatterjee, Prakash, Chakrabarty) a post-modern paradigm might lead to certain negative consequences. I.e. it rejects the possibilities to theorise, make generalisations and abstractions. Truth and objectivity are indeterminate and reality is fluid. The nature of existence is fragmentary, unstable, indeterminate, discontinuous, migratory, hyper real. There are no external standpoints, trans cultural standards for judgement. Cultures and societies are flee-floating entities devoid of interconnection. In the end, it might lead to an apolitical anything-goes relativism, which is politically irresponsible. Certain attempts have been made to combine post modernism and Marxism. My point of view is that a phenomenological approach, including radical phenomenology as proposed by Deleuze and Kapferer, might be a relevant methodological device for way of handling this issue. Phenomenology provides a mode of analysing that grasp the meaningful aspects of the subjects life without falling into the pitfalls of the predominant post modern paradigm. It gives the possibility to render the subaltern voices without denying the right to give moral, ethical and political standpoints.

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Panel No. 39

Panel Title: Bengal Studies

Papers accepted for presentation in the panel: